Showing posts with label humanitarian law. Show all posts
Showing posts with label humanitarian law. Show all posts

Thursday, September 17, 2009

Universality of Human Rights: The Gaza War

This op-ed was published September 17, 2009 in the New York Times.

Justice in Gaza by Richard Goldstone

I ACCEPTED with hesitation my United Nations mandate to investigate alleged violations of the laws of war and international human rights during Israel’s three-week war in Gaza last winter. The issue is deeply charged and politically loaded. I accepted because the mandate of the mission was to look at all parties: Israel; Hamas, which controls Gaza; and other armed Palestinian groups. I accepted because my fellow commissioners are professionals committed to an objective, fact-based investigation.

But above all, I accepted because I believe deeply in the rule of law and the laws of war, and the principle that in armed conflict civilians should to the greatest extent possible be protected from harm.

In the fighting in Gaza, all sides flouted that fundamental principle. Many civilians unnecessarily died and even more were seriously hurt. In Israel, three civilians were killed and hundreds wounded by rockets from Gaza fired by Hamas and other groups. Two Palestinian girls also lost their lives when these rockets misfired.

In Gaza, hundreds of civilians died. They died from disproportionate attacks on legitimate military targets and from attacks on hospitals and other civilian structures. They died from precision weapons like missiles from aerial drones as well as from heavy artillery. Repeatedly, the Israel Defense Forces failed to adequately distinguish between combatants and civilians, as the laws of war strictly require.

Israel is correct that identifying combatants in a heavily populated area is difficult, and that Hamas fighters at times mixed and mingled with civilians. But that reality did not lift Israel’s obligation to take all feasible measures to minimize harm to civilians.

Our fact-finding team found that in many cases Israel could have done much more to spare civilians without sacrificing its stated and legitimate military aims. It should have refrained from attacking clearly civilian buildings, and from actions that might have resulted in a military advantage but at the cost of too many civilian lives. In these cases, Israel must investigate, and Hamas is obliged to do the same. They must examine what happened and appropriately punish any soldier or commander found to have violated the law.

Unfortunately, both Israel and Hamas have dismal records of investigating their own forces. I am unaware of any case where a Hamas fighter was punished for deliberately shooting a rocket into a civilian area in Israel — on the contrary, Hamas leaders repeatedly praise such acts. While Israel has begun investigations into alleged violations by its forces in the Gaza conflict, they are unlikely to be serious and objective.

Absent credible local investigations, the international community has a role to play. If justice for civilian victims cannot be obtained through local authorities, then foreign governments must act. There are various mechanisms through which to pursue international justice. The International Criminal Court and the exercise of universal jurisdiction by other countries against violators of the Geneva Conventions are among them. But they all share one overarching aim: to hold accountable those who violate the laws of war. They are built on the premise that abusive fighters and their commanders can face justice, even if their government or ruling authority is not willing to take that step.

Pursuing justice in this case is essential because no state or armed group should be above the law. Western governments in particular face a challenge because they have pushed for accountability in places like Darfur, but now must do the same with Israel, an ally and a democratic state.

Failing to pursue justice for serious violations during the fighting will have a deeply corrosive effect on international justice, and reveal an unacceptable hypocrisy. As a service to the hundreds of civilians who needlessly died and for the equal application of international justice, the perpetrators of serious violations must be held to account.

Richard Goldstone, the former chief prosecutor for war-crime tribunals on Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, is the head of the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict.


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Monday, June 1, 2009

No Electricity in Gaza

Living without electricity this week (the prior tenant at my apartment was disinclined to pay the electricity bill) has reminded me of what life must be like for the Palestinians living in Gaza. I have no ability to refrigerate or freeze products, I have no hot water, no television, no internet, no DVD's, no ability to charge my cellphone, and of course, no lights! My house is a mess as I just moved in; yet, as I work during the day, I can never clean it, since it is dark by the time I get home. Yet, my miseries are nothing compared to those Palestinians living in Gaza without any electricity, clean water, or even basic foodstuffs.

The lack of energy for Gaza (fuel and electricity could be used to manufacture rockets...) has left Palestinians jobless, as industry has collapsed under the weight of a crippling Israeli siege. The daily life of a Gazan is centered on the basics: waiting in line for bread, building a new home or outfitting the UNRWA supplied tent, taking care of the kids, and maybe working, if work can be found. There is no ability to cross the border one mile away and work in Israel. If blessed enough to own a field, it is often at serious risk that one farm it. Those same fields are under constant Israeli attention and farmers have consistently been subject to attack. But, back to life without electricity. During the January offensive, it was often noted in Western media that Israel was acting in a humane way--they alerted Palestinians with flyers and text messages to leave their homes. Not only was there no place to flee to (the gaza strip is the size of two D.C.'s), without electricity how does one charge a phone to receive a text message!??! Furthermore, there are the hospitals and the medical care- having power in a hospital less than 24hrs a days is unacceptable. It should be noted that Israel controls electricity for Gaza, as well as the fuel to run generators and electric plants based in Gaza. Limiting energy going to Gaza is collective punishment and under humanitarian law, an occupying power may not collectively punish the occupied for the resistance of a few. If one makes the argument that Gaza is not occupied, ask oneself: does controlling electricity, water, food, borders, airspace, radio waves, sewage, and coastal waters equal occupation? I believe the only answer is yes. End the siege on Gaza.

List other effects of life without electricity below...